DiSSOCiâtiVG d isorders are characterized by a disruption of and/or discontinuity
in the normal integration of consciousness, memory, identity, emotion, perception, body
representation, motor control, and behavior. Dissociative symptoms can potentially disrupt
every area of psychological functioning. This chapter includes dissociative identity
disorder, dissociative amnesia, depersonalization/derealization disorder, other specified
dissociative disorder, and unspecified dissociative disorder.
Dissociative symptoms are experienced as a) unbidden intrusions into awareness and behavior, with accompanying losses of continuity in subjective experience (i.e., "positive" dissociative symptoms such as fragmentation of identity, depersonalization, and derealization) and/or b) inability to access information or to control mental functions that normally are readily amenable to access or control (i.e., '"negative" dissociative symptoms such as amnesia).
The dissociative disorders are frequently found in the aftermath of trauma, and many of the symptoms, including embarrassment and confusion about the symptoms or a desire to hide them, are influenced by the proximity to trauma. In DSM-5, the dissociative disorders are placed next to, but are not part of, the trauma- and stressor-related disorders, reflecting the close relationship between these diagnostic classes. Both acute stress disorder and posttraumatic stress disorder contain dissociative symptoms, such as amnesia, flashbacks, numbing, and depersonalization/derealization.
Depersonalization/derealization disorder is characterized by clinically significant persistent or recurrent depersonalization (i.e., experiences of unreality or detachment from one's mind, self, or body) and/or derealization (i.e., experiences of imreality or detachment from one's surroundings). These alterations of experience are accompanied by intact reality testing. There is no evidence of any distinction between individuals with predominantly depersonalization versus derealization symptoms. Therefore, individuals with this disorder can have depersonalization, derealization, or both.
Dissociative amnesia is characterized by an inability to recall autobiographical information. This amnesia may be localized (i.e., an event or period of time), selective (i.e., a specific aspect of an event), or generalized (i.e., identity and life history). Dissociative amnesia is fundamentally an inability to recall autobiographical information that is inconsistent with normal forgetting. It may or may not involve purposeful travel or bewildered wandering (i.e., fugue). Although some individuals with amnesia promptly notice that they have "lost time" or that they have a gap in their memory, most individuals with dissociative disorders are initially unaware of their amnesias. For them, awareness of amnesia occurs only when personal identity is lost or when circumstances make these individuals aware that autobiographical information is missing (e.g., when they discover evidence of events they cannot recall or when others tell them or ask them about events they cannot recall). Until and unless this happens, these individuals have "amnesia for their amnesia." Amnesia is experienced as an essential feature of dissociative amnesia; individuals may experience localized or selective amnesia most commonly, or generalized amnesia rarely. Dissociative fugue is rare in persons with dissociative amnesia but common in dissociative identity disorder.
Dissociative identity disorder is characterized by a) the presence of two or more distinct personality states or an experience of possession and b) recurrent episodes of amnesia. The fragmentation of identity may vary v^ith culture (e.g., possession-form presentations) and circumstance. Thus, individuals may experience discontinuities in identity and memory that may not be immediately evident to others or are obscured by attempts to hide dysfunction. Individuals with dissociative identity disorder experience a) recurrent, inexplicable intrusions into their conscious functioning and sense of self (e.g., voices; dissociated actions and speech; intrusive thoughts, emotions, and impulses), b) alterations of sense of self (e.g., attitudes, preferences, and feeling like one's body or actions are not one's own), c) odd changes of perception (e.g., depersonalization or derealization, such as feeling detached from one's body while cutting), and d) intermittent functional neurological symptoms. Stress often produces transient exacerbation of dissociative symptoms that makes them more evident.
The residual category of other specified dissociative disorder has seven examples: chronic or recurrent mixed dissociative symptoms that approach, but fall short of, the diagnostic criteria for dissociative identity disorder; dissociative states secondary to brainwashing or thought reform; two acute presentations, of less than 1 month's duration, of mixed dissociative symptoms, one of which is also marked by the presence of psychotic symptoms; and three single- symptom dissociative presentations—dissociative trance, dissociative stupor or coma, and Ganser's syndrome (the giving of approximate and vague answers).
The defining feature of dissociative identity disorder is the presence of two or more distinct
personality states or an experience of possession (Criterion A). The overtness or
covertness of these personality states, however, varies as a function of psychological
motivation, current level of stress, culture, internal conflicts and dynamics, and emotional
resilience. Sustained periods of identity disruption may occur when psychosocial pressures
are severe and/or prolonged. In many possession-form cases of dissociative identity
disorder, and in a small proportion of non-possession-form cases, manifestations of alternate
identities are highly overt. Most individuals with non-possession-form dissociative
identity disorder do not overtly display their discontinuity of identity for long periods of
time; only a small minority present to clinical attention with observable alternation of
identities. When alternate personality states are not directly observed, the disorder can be
identified by two clusters of symptoms: 1) sudden alterations or discontinuities in sense of
self and sense οί agency (Criterion A), and 2) recurrent dissociative amnesias (Criterion B).
Criterion A symptoms are related to discontinuities of experience that can affect any
aspect of an individual's functioning. Individuals v^ith dissociative identity disorder may
report the feeling that they have suddenly become depersonalized observers of their
"own" speech and actions, which they may feel powerless to stop (sense of self). Such individuals
may also report perceptions of voices (e.g., a child's voice; crying; the voice of a
spiritual being). In some cases, voices are experienced as multiple, perplexing, independent
thought streams over which the individual experiences no control. Strong emotions,
impulses, and even speech or other actions may suddenly emerge, without a sense of personal
ownership or control (sense of agency). These emotions and impulses are frequently
reported as ego-dystonic and puzzling. Attitudes, outlooks, and personal preferences
(e.g., about food, activities, dress) may suddenly shift and then shift back. Individuals may
report that their bodies feel different (e.g., like a small child, like the opposite gender, huge
and muscular). Alterations in sense of self and loss of personal agency may be accompanied
by a feeling that these attitudes, emotions, and behaviors—even one's body—are
"not mine" and/or are "not under my control." Although most Criterion A symptoms are
subjective, many of these sudden discontinuities in speech, affect, and behavior can be witnessed
by family, friends, or the clinician. Non-epileptic seizures and other conversion
symptoms are prominent in some presentations of dissociative identity disorder, especially
in some non-Westem settings.
The dissociative amnesia of individuals with dissociative identity disorder manifests in three primary ways: as 1) gaps in remote memory of personal life events (e.g., periods of childhood or adolescence; some important life events, such as the death of a grandparent, getting married, giving birth); 2) lapses in dependable memory (e.g., of what happened today, of well-leamed skills such as how to do their job, use a computer, read, drive); and 3) discovery of evidence of their everyday actions and tasks that they do not recollect doing (e.g., finding unexplained objects in their shopping bags or among their possessions; finding perplexing writings or drawings that they must have created; discovering injuries; "coming to" in the midst of doing something). Dissociative fugues, wherein the person discovers dissociated travel, are common. Thus, individuals with dissociative identity disorder may report that they have suddenly found themselves at the beach, at work, in a nightclub, or somewhere at home (e.g., in the closet, on a bed or sofa, in the corner) with no memory of how they came to be there. Amnesia in individuals with dissociative identity disorder is not limited to stressful or traumatic events; these individuals often cannot recall everyday events as well.
Individuals with dissociative identity disorder vary in their awareness and attitude toward their amnesias. It is common for these individuals to minimize their amnestic symptoms. Some of their amnestic behaviors may be apparent to others—as when these persons do not recall something they were witnessed to have done or said, when they cannot remember their own name, or when they do not recognize their spouse, children, or close friends.
Possession-form identities in dissociative identity disorder typically manifest as behaviors that appear as if a "spirit," supernatural being, or outside person has taken control, such that the individual begins speaking or acting in a distinctly different manner. For example, an individual's behavior may give the appearance that her identity has been replaced by the "ghost" of a girl who committed suicide in the same community years before, speaking and acting as though she were still alive. Or an individual may be "taken over" by a demon or deity, resulting in profound impairment, and demanding that the individual or a relative be punished for a past act, followed by more subtle periods of identity alteration. However, the majority of possession states around the world are normal, usually part of spiritual practice, and do not meet criteria for dissociative identity disorder. The identities that arise during possession-form dissociative identity disorder present recurrently, are unvs^anted and involuntary, cause clinically significant distress or impairment (Criterion C), and are not a normal part of a broadly accepted cultural or religious practice (Criterion D).
Individuals with dissociative identity disorder typically present v^ith comorbid depression, anxiety, substance abuse, self-injury, non-epileptic seizures, or another common symptom. They often conceal, or are not fully aware of, disruptions in consciousness, amnesia, or other dissociative symptoms. Many individuals with dissociative identity disorder report dissociative flashbacks during which they undergo a sensory reliving of a previous event as though it were occurring in the present, often with a change of identity, a partial or complete loss of contact with or disorientation to current reality during the flashback, and a subsequent amnesia for the content of the flashback. Individuals with the disorder typically report multiple types of interpersonal maltreatment during childhood and adulthood. Nonmaltreatment forms of overwhelming early life events, such as multiple long, painful, early-life medical procedures, also may be reported. Self-mutilation and suicidal behavior are frequent. On standardized measures, these individuals report higher levels of hypnotizability and dissociativity compared with other clinical groups and healthy control subjects. Some individuals experience transient psychotic phenomena or episodes. Several brain regions have been implicated in the pathophysiology of dissociative identity disorder, including the orbitofrontal cortex, hippocampus, parahippocampal gyrus, and amygdala.
The 12-month prevalence of dissociative identity disorder among adults in a small U.S. community study was 1.5%. The prevalence across genders in that study was 1.6% for males and 1.4% for females.
Many features of dissociative identity disorder can be influenced by the individual's cultural background. Individuals with this disorder may present with prominent medically unexplained neurological symptoms, such as non-epileptic seizures, paralyses, or sensory loss, in cultural settings where such symptoms are common. Similarly, in settings where normative possession is common (e.g., rural areas in the developing world, among certain religious groups in the United States and Europe), the fragmented identities may take the form of possessing spirits, deities, demons, animals, or mythical figures. Acculturation or prolonged intercultural contact may shape the characteristics of the other identities (e.g., identities in India may speak English exclusively and wear Western clothes). Possessionform dissociative identity disorder can be distinguished from culturally accepted possession states in that the former is involuntary, distressing, uncontrollable, and often recurrent or persistent; involves conflict between the individual and his or her surrounding family, social, or work milieu; and is manifested at times and in places that violate the norms of the culture or religion.
Females with dissociative identity disorder predominate in adult clinical settings but not in child clinical settings. Adult males with dissociative identity disorder may deny their symptoms and trauma histories, and this can lead to elevated rates of false negative diagnosis. Females with dissociative identity disorder present more frequently with acute dissociative states (e.g., flashbacks, amnesia, fugue, functional neurological [conversion] symptoms, hallucinations, self-mutilation). Males commonly exhibit more criminal or violent behavior than females; among males, common triggers of acute dissociative states include combat, prison conditions, and physical or sexual assaults.
Over 70% of outpatients with dissociative identity disorder have attempted suicide; multiple attempts are common, and other self-injurious behavior is frequent. Assessment of suicide risk may be complicated when there is amnesia for past suicidal behavior or when the presenting identity does not feel suicidal and is unaware that other dissociated identities do.
Impairment varies widely, from apparently minimal (e.g., in high-functioning professionals) to profound. Regardless of level of disability, individuals with dissociative identity disorder commonly minimize the impact of their dissociative and posttraumatic symptoms. The symptoms of higher-functioning individuals may impair their relational, marital, family, and parenting functions more than their occupational and professional life (although the latter also may be affected). With appropriate treatment, many impaired individuals show marked improvement in occupational and personal functioning. However, some remain highly impaired in most activities of living. These individuals may only respond to treatment very slowly, with gradual reduction in or improved tolerance of their dissociative and posttraumatic symptoms. Long-term supportive treatment may slowly increase these individuals' ability to manage their symptoms and decrease use of more restrictive levels of care.
The defining characteristic of dissociative amnesia is an inability to recall important autobiographical
information that 1) should be successfully stored in memory and 2) ordinarily
would be readily remembered (Criterion A). Dissociative amnesia differs from the
permanent amnesias due to neurobiological damage or toxicity that prevent memory storage
or retrieval in that it is always potentially reversible because the memory has been successfully
Localized amnesia, a failure to recall events during a circumscribed period of time, is the most common form of dissociative amnesia. Localized amnesia may be broader than amnesia for a single traumatic event (e.g., months or years associated with child abuse or intense combat). In selective amnesia, the individual can recall some, but not all, of the events during a circumscribed period of time. Thus, the individual may remember part of a traumatic event but not other parts. Some individuals report both localized and selective amnesias. Generalized amnesia, a complete loss of memory for one's life history, is rare. Individuals with generalized amnesia may forget personal identity. Some lose previous knowledge about the world (i.e., semantic knowledge) and can no longer access well-learned skills (i.e., procedural knowledge). Generalized amnesia has an acute onset; the perplexity, disorientation, an4 purposeless wandering of individuals with generalized amnesia usually bring them to the attention of the police or psychiatric emergency services. Generalized amnesia may be more common among combat veterans, sexual assault victims, and individuals experiencing extreme emotional stress or conflict.
Individuals with dissociative amnesia are frequently unaware (or only partially aware) of their memory problems. Many, especially those with localized amnesia, minimize the importance of their memory loss and may become uncomfortable when prompted to address it. In systematized amnesia, the individual loses memory for a specific category of information (e.g., all memories relating to one's family, a particular person, or childhood sexual abuse). In continuous amnesia, an individual forgets each new event as it occurs.
Many individuals with dissociative amnesia are chronically impaired in their ability to form and sustain satisfactory relationships. Histories of trauma, child abuse, and victimization are common. Some individuals with dissociative amnesia report dissociative flashbacks (i.e., behavioral reexperiencing of traumatic events). Many have a history of selfmutilation, suicide attempts, and other high-risk behaviors. Depressive and functional neurological symptoms are common, as are depersonalization, auto-hypnotic symptoms, and high hypnotizability. Sexual dysfunctions are common. Mild traumatic brain injury may precede dissociative amnesia.
The 12-month prevalence for dissociative amnesia among adults in a small U.S. community study was 1.8% (1.0% for males; 2.6% for females).
In Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America, non-epileptic seizures and other functional neurological symptoms may accompany dissociative amnesia. In cultures with highly restrictive social traditions, the precipitants of dissociative amnesia often do not involve frank trauma. Instead, the amnesia is preceded by severe psychological stresses or conflicts (e.g., marital conflict, other family disturbances, attachment problems, conflicts due to restriction or oppression).
Suicidal and other self-destructive behaviors are common in individuals with dissociative amnesia. Suicidal behavior may be a particular risk when the amnesia remits suddenly and overwhelms the individual with intolerable memories.
The impairment of individuals with localized, selective, or systematized dissociative amnesia ranges from limited to severe. Individuals with chronic generalized dissociative amnesia usually have impairment in all aspects of functioning. Even when these individuals "re-leam" aspects of their life history, autobiographical memory remains very impaired. Most become vocationally and interpersonally disabled.
The essential features of depersonalization/derealization disorder are persistent or recurrent episodes of depersonalization, derealization, or both. Episodes of depersonalization are characterized by a feeling of unreality or detachment from, or unfamiliarity with, one's whole self or from aspects of the self (Criterion Al). The individual may feel detached from his or her entire being (e.g., "I am no one," "I have no self"). He or she may also feel subjectively detached from aspects of the self, including feelings (e.g., hypoemotionality: "I know I have feelings but I don't feel them"), thoughts (e.g., "My thoughts don't feel like my own," "head^filled with cotton"), whole body or body parts, or sensations (e.g., touch, proprioception, hunger, thirst, libido). There may also be a diminished sense of agency (e.g., feeling robotic, like an automaton; lacking control of one's speech or movements). The depersonalization experience can sometimes be one of a split self, with one part observing and one participating, known as an "out-of-body experience" in its most extreme form. The unitary symptom of "depersonalization" consists of several symptom factors: anomalous body experiences (i.e., unreality of the self and perceptual alterations); emotional or physical numbing; and temporal distortions with anomalous subjective recall. Episodes of derealization are characterized by a feeling of unreality or detachment from, or unfamiliarity with, the world, be it individuals, inanimate objects, or all surroundings (Criterion A2). TTie individual may feel as if he or she were in a fog, dream, or bubble, or as if there were a veil or a glass wall between the individual and world around. Surroundings may be experienced as artificial, colorless, or lifeless. Derealization is commonly accompanied by subjective visual distortions, such as blurriness, heightened acuity, widened or narrowed visual field, two-dimensionality or flatness, exaggerated three-dimensionality, or altered distance or size of objects (i.e., macropsia or micropsia). Auditory distortions can also occur, whereby voices or sounds are muted or heightened. In addition. Criterion C requires the presence of clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of fimctioning, and Criteria D and E describe exclusionary diagnoses.
Individuals with depersonalization/derealization disorder may have difficulty describing their symptoms and may think they are "crazy" or "going crazy". Another common experience is the fear of irreversible brain damage. A commonly associated symptom is a subjectively altered sense of time (i.e., too fast or too slow), as well as a subjective difficulty in vividly recalling past memories and owning them as personal and emotional. Vague somatic symptoms, such as head fullness, tingling, or lightheadedness, are not uncommon. Individuals may suffer extreme rumination or obsessional preoccupation (e.g., constantly obsessing about whether they really exist, or checking their perceptions to determine whether they appear real). Varying degrees of anxiety and depression are also common associated features. Individuals with the disorder have been found to have physiological hyporeactivity to emotional stimuli. Neural substrates of interest include the hypothalamic- pituitary-adrenocortical axis, inferior parietal lobule, and prefrontal cortical-limbic circuits.
Transient depersonalization/derealization symptoms lasting hours to days are common in the general population. The 12-month prevalence of depersonalization/derealization disorder is thought to be markedly less than for transient symptoms, although precise estimates for the disorder are unavailable. In general, approximately one-half of all adults have experienced at least one lifetime episode of depersonalization/derealization. However, symptomatology that meets full criteria for depersonalization/derealization disorder is markedly less common than transient symptoms. Lifetime prevalence in U.S. and non-U.S. countries is approximately 2% (range of 0.8% to 2.8%). TIie gender ratio for the disorder is 1:1.
Volitionally induced experiences of depersonalization/derealization can be a part of meditative practices that are prevalent in many religions and cultures and should not be diagnosed as a disorder. However, there are individuals who initially induce these states intentionally but over time lose control over them and may develop a fear and aversion for related practices.
Symptoms of depersonalization/derealization disorder are highly distressing and are associated with major morbidity. The affectively flattened and robotic demeanor that these individuals often demonstrate may appear incongruent with the extreme emotional pain reported by those with the disorder. Impairment is often experienced in both interpersonal and occupational spheres, largely due to the hypoemotionaHty with others, subjective difficulty in focusing and retaining information, and a general sense of disconnectedness from life.